??为了让大家心里更踏实，也进一步助力大家在考场中旗开得胜，暖暖在接下来的日子里会陪伴大家学习总结外刊中的热点话题句型哦~“双减政策”是我们今年最热的话题之一。而你看到“双减话题”时，是不是只能想到辅导机构纷纷关门停业呢？今天我们来开拓一下思维，积累一下有关“双减政策”的论点论据。原文选自经济学人。?
“双减政策” 该如何得到写作高分？一、对学校教育的态度【支持态度】论点：economists
tend to be big fans of education, which is perhaps not surprising given
how much of it they consume and how well their textbooks can do.经济学家往往是教育的忠实支持者，这也许并不奇怪，毕竟他们自己消费了那么多教育，而他们的教科书有时极为成功。事实论据：① alfred marshall, writing in1873, hoped that education would help erase the “distinction between working men and gentlemen”.阿尔弗雷德·马歇尔（alfred marshall）在1873年写道，他希望教育能有助于消除“劳动者和绅士之间的差别”。②
gary becker of the university of chicago reimagined education as an
investment in “human capital” that would earn a return in the market
much like other assets.?芝加哥大学的加里·贝克尔（gary becker）将教育重新定义为对“人力资本”的投资，会在市场上收获回报，就跟其他类型的资产差不多。③
harvard university’s greg mankiw, whose books have educated more than
most, once calculated that differences in human capital between
countries could account for much of their otherwise inexplicable
differences in prosperity.哈佛大学的格雷格·曼昆（greg mankiw）的著作指导的人数之多出类拔萃。他曾经计算过，人力资本的差异或许能在很大程度上解释各国在繁荣程度上令人费解的差异。【反对态度】论点：but economics can also be scathing about schooling.但是经济学也会严厉批评学校教育。引用论证：①
the theory of signalling likens many educational credentials to
peacock’s tails: costly encumbrances, useful only as conspicuous proof
that their owners are intellectually strong enough to bear them. 信号理论把许多教育证书比作孔雀的尾巴：不过是昂贵的累赘，唯一的用处就是充当显眼的证据，证明持证人的智力水平足够拿下一纸证书。②
and in “the social limits to growth”, a book published in 1976, fred
hirsch, once a writer for this newspaper, pointed out that education is
often “positional” in nature. what matters is not only how much you
have, but whether you have more than the next person. for many students
it is not enough merely to acquire a good education. they must obtain a
better education than the people jostling with them in the queue for
sought-after jobs.在1976年出版的《成长的社会限制》（the social limits to
growth）一书中，曾为本刊撰稿的弗雷德·赫希（fred
hirsch）指出，教育在本质上往往是“位置性的”（positional）。重要的不仅仅是你拥有多少，还要看你是否比另一个人拥有更多。对许多学生来说，仅仅受过良好的教育是不够的。他们受的教育必须比那些跟自己一道争取热门工作的人更好才行。
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二、各国目前教育情况these
arms races are often particularly ferocious in east asia. in china and
south korea, schoolchildren face nationwide “high-stakes” tests—the
gaokao in china and the suneung in south korea—that play a big role in
determining whether and where they can go to university. 这样的军备竞赛在东亚往往尤为激烈。在中国和韩国，学生要面对全国性的“孤注一掷”的考试——中国的高考和韩国的“修能”(suneung)。他们能否上大学、能上哪里的大学，这场考试的成绩举足轻重。事实论据：in
china’s cities, pupils spent 10.6 hours a week on after-school
tutoring, according to a report by frost & sullivan, a
market-research firm.市场研究公司弗若斯特沙利文(frost & sullivan)的一份报告显示，在中国的城市里，学生每周花10.6小时接受课外辅导。
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三、双减政策的出台论点：the governments in both countries have tried to orchestrate a kind of collective disarmament. 两国政府都已尝试组织某种形式的集体裁军。各国举措：韩国：south
korea imposed a 10pm curfew on cramming schools in 2009. inspectors
would go on patrol looking for schools with their lights on. (some
schools covered their windows with black tape.) 韩国在2009年要求补习班晚上10点前关门，检查员会巡视，看哪家还亮着灯。(有些补习班会用黑色胶带遮住窗户。)中国：china
has been introducing restrictions on after-school tutoring at an
increasing pace since 2018. last month it barred tutoring firms from
listing on the stock-market, raising foreign capital or making a profit.
the strictures ?have wiped tens of billions of dollars off the market
value of china’s once-booming edtech sector.自2018年起，中国限制课后辅导的步伐越来越快。7月，课外辅导公司被禁止上市、筹集外资或盈利。这些
限制致使中国一度繁荣的教育科技领域市值缩水数百亿美元。四、举措影响will
these measures work? it is almost impossible to stop families hiring
private tutors to teach their children in their own homes. and if shadow
education is successfully curtailed, the arms race can take different
forms. parents who cannot buy a better education directly can instead
buy homes near better schools. a study by xuejuan su of the university
of alberta and huayi yu of renmin university found that when the
management of a public elementary school in beijing is taken over by
another better-regarded school, property prices nearby rise by an
average of 7%.这些措施会奏效吗?要阻止家庭请私人教师上门辅导孩子几乎不可能。而且，就算成功限制了影子教育，军备竞赛也可能会以另外的形式出现。父母若不能直接购买更好的教育，可能就会把房子买在更好的学校附近。阿尔伯塔大学(university
of alberta)
的苏雪娟(音译)和中国人民大学的余华义的一项研究发现，当北京一所公立小学被另一所口碑更好的学校接管，附近的房价平均上涨了7%。
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五、解决办法论点1：both china and south korea have begun promoting vocational education. 中国和韩国都已经开始促进职业教育。事实论据：①
china’s latest five-year plan (which concludes in 2025) promises to
explore an “apprenticeship system with chinese characteristics” and to
“vigorously cultivate talents with technical skills”, according to one
translation. 一份材料显示，中国最新的五年规划(2025年结束)承诺探索“中国特色的学徒制”，要“大力培养技术技能人才”。② some of the edtech firms squeezed out of after-school tutoring are exploring vocational education instead.一些被挤出课后辅导的教育科技公司正转而探索职业教育。论点2：germany’s
custom of placing children on different tracks at age ten or 11 also
invites an interesting thought experiment. what if the gaokao (and
similar tests) were held earlier in a pupil’s career? 像德国那样在孩子们十岁或十一岁就将他们送上不同轨道的惯常做法也促使我们开展一场有趣的思想实验。如果高考和类似的考试在学生求学期间提早一些举行会如何?道理论证：if
these exams truly test the knowledge required for university, they must
be held just before university starts. but if such tests mostly serve
as filters, sifting better students from worse, they need not be held so
late. an aptitude test at 16 years of age, say, will probably generate a
similar ranking as one held two years later. 如果这些考试真的是测试上大学需要掌握的知识，那就必须在临近读大学时举行。但是，如果它们主要是为了充当过滤器，以便把更好的学生和较差的学生区分开来，那就没必要举行得那么晚。假设学生们在16岁时参加一场才能测试，这和两年后才接受测试生成的排名很可能会差不多。the
tests would remain stressful. but an earlier gaokao would save families
a year or two of costly cramming, shortening “the obstacle course”, as
hirsch put it, without much changing the results. such tests will always
have high stakes. but they need not require such high effort.这场考试仍然会让人倍感压力。但提前举行高考将可为家庭节省一两年昂贵的考前恶补费用——用赫希的说法就是缩短“障碍赛跑道”——同时不致影响结果多少。这样的考试始终都会事关重大，但不需要再为之投入那么多了。
（图片来源于网络）????